General Assembly - Issue 1, 40th Session

40th Session Issues

Nationalist-Separatist Movements

Smother my revolt,
With the point of your bayonet,
Torture my body, In the chains of your empire,
Subjugate my soul,
In the faith of your religion..."
Francisco Borja du Costa, East Timor poet

INTRODUCTION
During the last forty-two years the United Nations has dealt with numerous threats to world peace. In the process, they have spent thousands of hours debating and attempting to solve the crises in the Middle East and southern Africa. Yet, threats to world peace abound in the developing world. In 1988, The Economist, a British weekly news magazine said, "Turn south for the killing fields," as it detailed the twenty-five "big wars" in process during one week in March of that year.

With such a large number of conflicts waiting to be defused, statesmen, bound by divergent national interests and limited time and resources, daily have to make the difficult choice of which crisis to attend to immediately, and which to defer to a later date. Nationalist-Separatist Movements attempts to accomplish this by dealing with conflicts which have been discussed in the United Nations, and are to date unresolved. This is an umbrella item; the United Nations has never addressed nationalist-separatist movements as a group, but does address them on a case-by-case basis.

Since a large number of cases could be discussed within the context of this issue, the burden of choice as to which crisis warrants immediate attention rests with the individual delegates. To qualify for discussion under this agenda item, a nationalist-separatist movement must meet the following criteria:

1. Any nationalist-separatist movement debated must have been addressed by the UN, and resolutions must have been passed by the UN with specific regard to that issue before 1 January 1990.

2. A nationalist-separatist movement must be in existence and active before 1 January 1990 and must be continuing its activities as of 1 April 1990.

Seven examples that fit these criteria have been selected for discussion in this book. Hopefully, they will serve as models for research and preparation. This list should NOT be construed as exclusive. Other cases of nationalist-separatist movements for which the United Nations has taken action may emerge or re-emerge in the upcoming months.

NATIONALIST-SEPARATIST MOVEMENTS

Nationalism

A nation is a social group that shares a common ideology, common institutions and customs, and a sense of homogeneity. The people of a nation have a strong group sense of belonging associated with a particular territory considered to be their own. A nation can be distinguished from a state in that a state is a legally defined entity which may include several nations.

Nationalism, as a political philosophy, is largely a product of 18th century Enlightenment and emerged alongside the development of democracy. At that time, people in the Americas and Europe came to reject their role as passive subjects and began to participate in government. As they did so, they invariably rejected artificial political boundaries and sought to regroup into more natural ethnic, linguistic, religious, or cultural domains. In short, the drive to create a nation-state

began. Since that time, a nation-state has been seen by many as an ideal political institution. It allows one political entity (or state) to rule one nation, thus lessening the likelihood of political, social or economic inequities, or human rights abuses.

Today there are between 3,000 and 5,000 nations in the world. Some are very small in population and area - several exist on just a few acres. Other nations are huge, with populations in the millions. For example, the Kawthoolei, in South Asia, has 4.5 to 5 million Karen people (it is larger than 48% of the member states in the United Nations), and the Oromo nation in East Africa has more than 20 million people. Unlike a state, a nation does not require a central military-political bureaucracy

to exist. More than 95% of the world's 168 states are multinational, that is, composed of many nations, some unconsenting. Thus, only a few of the world's states are really nation-states: Iceland, Western Samoa and a handful more. Nations without a state make up the world of internationally unrecognized nations. States with more than one nation (multinational states) include the Soviet Union - only 50 percent of the people are ethnic Russians. There are 15 other major nationalities and many smaller national/ethnic groups in the

Soviet Union. Other nations exist in more than one state (multistate nationalities). These include Germans in the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, and the Kurds in Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Syria and the Soviet Union. Still others are non-state nations, such as the Palestinians.

The Rise of Separatism

Modern separatist or devolution movements are a natural outgrowth of calls for nationalism in 19th century Europe. Woodrow Wilson's support for "self-determination" and Russian cries that oppressed people should throw off the yoke of imperialism fueled the flames. The trend toward decentralization and nationalism is now far advanced in the developing world where it is the preeminent political motivator.

After World War II, when the colonial empires were dismantled, a host of new states with short-lived, western-style parliamentary democracies came into being. But, it was soon clear that virtually everything about these artificial political units was wrong. Their boundaries were the arbitrary frontiers drawn in Berlin or Paris in the 19th century, and bore little relation to prevailing ethnic or linguistic patterns. The new governments of the developing nations often reflected the political ideals of their departing masters rather than the history or wishes of their people.

A premier case in point was the British colony of India. In the late 1940's it fractured into India and Pakistan amidst a blood bath and a refugee crisis unequaled before or since. Pakistan itself did not last long. The people of Bangladesh launched their own separatist movement and seceded in 1971. Even today border strife continues as the three nations dispute the frontiers drawn hastily by the departing British in 1947.

Nationalist-Separatist Movements

Groups seeking to resolve their desire for national identity and establish a true nation-state often form separatist groups known as national liberation organizations (NLOs). Examples of such groups include the Viet Cong during the Vietnam War, the Irish Republican Army, the South-West African People's Organization, and the Eritrean Liberation Front. NLOs do not possess legal authority over a specific territory; they are seeking to "liberate" that territory from the current regime and obtain that authority.

These movements have varying organizational structures and disparate levels of power and influence. The may choose nonviolent means, as has the Parti Quebeco is in Canada, or they may choose violence that results in civil war or terrorist attacks as have the Eritreans in Ethiopia and the Basques in Spain, respectively. Although nationalism is the driving force behind most NLOs, and all desire an independent state, they seldom have anything else in common. Some NLOs seek to

overthrow a government viewed as dictatorial, exploitive and under the control of an external influence. The Sandanistas in Nicaragua were an example of this type of NLO. Others pit colonial peoples against colonial powers such as the struggle of the MauMaus against the British in Kenya. Many nations resist annexation and absorption by states that they believe will strip them of their nationality, land and resources, such as the people of East Timor.

NLOs usually employ a military policy of some type, and make extensive use of the media. Palestinians will not become "ethnic Israelis," and the Oromo will not become "Ethiopian" despite efforts to force that outcome. To do so would erase their nationality, history and country. Yet, these peoples are rarely identified by their own names in the media; instead they are commonly referred to as rebels, separatists, extremists, dissidents, insurgents, terrorists, tribals, minorities, or ethnic groups.

Contemporary research indicates that international wars waged to regain lost territory and revolutions undertaken by an ethnic minority in the interest of national self-determination have accounted for 70 % of all international conflicts.<M^>5<D> Most armed resistance begins as low intensity conflict, in the form of small skirmishes along borders or at sea, either by individuals or small groups. Such low intensity conflict presents the danger of escalation to a more destructive level of violence. With the spread of modern weapon capabilities, it has the potential to become extremely destructive.

CASE STUDIES (Arranged alphabetically by Nation-State in which they occur)

ETHIOPIA (Eritrea)

Now in its twenty-seventh year, Eritrea's separatist struggle is the longest and largest armed conflict in the history of sub-Saharan Africa. The borders of Eritrea were formed by Italy, when it claimed the portion of Ethiopia previously known as Mereb Melash as its own colony in 1889. In 1941, Eritrea came under the rule of the British who promised independence to the Eritreans if they assisted in Great Britain's fight against Italy. After Italy was defeated England broke the agreement, and Eritrea remained a colony. In June 1946, at the close of World War II, the Allied Powers formulated the Paris Peace Treaty. One of the stipulations of that treaty was that the fate of Eritrea would be turned over to the United Nations if the "Big Four" were unable to agree on the matter.

By May of 1948, the issue of Eritrea was still unresolved, and was turned over to the United Nations for further consideration. The UN sent a commission of inquiry to Eritrea, and the commission presented several different proposals. The majority opinion was that close association should remain between Eritrea and Ethiopia in the form of a federation. The minority opinion supported a UN trusteeship of ten years, after which Eritrea would become independent. On 2 December 1950, UN resolution 390A was passed, proposing that Eritrea become an autonomous unit to be federated with Ethiopia under the sovereignty of the Ethiopian crown. Ethiopia was not satisfied with the UN proposal and the emperor's representative informed the General Assembly that the federal solution was accepted only in the spirit of compromise. Ethiopia was determined to annex Eritrea and was successful in this endeavor by November 1962.

In Eritrea, continued violations of democratic human rights led to growing mass protests and revolts. The first liberation movement - The Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM) was born in 1958. The ELM was disorganized and easily disbanded by the Ethiopian forces. In 1961, the then strife-ridden ELM decided to establish a separate liberation organization with a military wing, and the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was established. The remnants of the ELM and the ELF fought amongst themselves over power and political jealousies, and the struggle against the Ethiopians made little progress. In July 1970, a number of guerrillas from various divisions split from the ELF and proclaimed themselves the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF). A full scale civil war between the ELF and the EPLF lasted from 1972 to 1974, at which time political changes in Ethiopia forced an alliance between the two factions so that those matters could be addressed.

From 1974-1977, the Eritreans, mainly through the EPLF, gained control of the entire 42,000 square mile country-side and all but five towns and cities. However, by the early 1980s, the liberated base was limited to the Sahel mountains, bordered on the east by the Red Sea and on the north by the Sudan.

A serious refugee situation has arisen due to the continued upheaval in Eritrea. Accurate information regarding the refugee situation inside Eritrea itself is extremely difficult to obtain. The number of displaced people certainly exceeds 500,000, though it is probably less than one million. Since the total Eritrean population is between 2.5 and 3 million, possibly one-third of the population could be classified as refugees.

The Ethiopian government has prevented all relief and humanitarian organizations from providing any sort of relief supplies to these displaced people. Both the ELF and the EPLF have created relief-oriented humanitarian organizations to help alleviate some of the refugees' most pressing problems. Unfortunately, the two organizations have found little reason to cooperate with one another.

More accurate information exists on the refugees who have fled Eritrea for the safety of neighboring Sudan. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) estimated that by the end of 1976, 100,000 Eritrean refugees had arrived in the Sudan. The Sudanese Ministry of Interior's Office of the Commissioner for Refugees believes that by December 1977, 200,000 Eritreans were in the Sudan as displaced persons.

Today, Ethiopia relies heavily on Soviet support to contain the ethnicseparatist movements that continue to engage a large percent of the armed forces. The Soviet Union has made a push for a negotiated settlement at least in Eritrea, but the Ethiopian government is determined to resolve the issue by the use of military force.

INDONESIA (East Timor)

Timor is an island located in the extreme east of a South Pacific island chain known as the Lesser Sundas (see map). Under colonial rule, the island was split between the Dutch (west half) and the Portugese (east half). When the Dutch colonies of that area gained their independence in 1949, they formed the United States of Indonesia. East Timor remained under Portuguese rule.

In 1974, a new government took over in Lisbon and pledged to commit itself to decolonialization. Political parties formed in East Timor and the independence movement began.<M^>15<D> The three main parties were: The Uniano Democratica Timorense (UDT), a conservative party that first supported the colonial regime, then moved toward a gradual colonization ending in a federation with Portugal;- The Frente Revolucinaria de Timor-Leste Indepente (FRETILIN), a leftist organization favoring East-Timorese independence;- The APODETI, a party with little local support favoring integration with Indonesia.

In August 1975, civil war between FRETILIN and UDT broke out. The Portugese governor fled, as the FRETILIN gained control. Facing the imminent threat of invasion by Indonesian troops, FRETILIN urged the governor to return, but was refused. FRETILIN declared East Timor's independence on 28 November, 1975. On 7 December 1975, Indonesia began a full-scale invasion which met fierce resistance, but prevailed in the end.

The UN quickly responded to the annexation. The Security Council condemned the invasion and asked the Secretary General to send a special representative to East Timor (SC res 384 (1975)). On the urging of Portugal, which is still recognized as the administering colonial power by the United Nations, the Security Council called for the withdrawal of all Indonesian troops (SC res 389(1976)). The General Assembly confirmed the right of the East Timorese to self determination in resolution 3485 (XXX) of 12 December 1975, and again in resolutions 31/53 of 1 December 1976, 32/34 of 28 November 1977, 33/39 of 13 December 1978, 34/30 of 21 November 1979, 35/27 of 11 November 1980, 36/50 of 24 November 1981, and 37/30 of 23 November 1982. Since that time the issue has been tabled.

Portugal has charged Indonesia with the massacre of 200,000 Timorese civilians. The Indonesian government has thus far kept the province closed to tourists, most journalists, diplomats and commercial developments. Relief workers and Catholic priests report that the Indonesian government withholds food from supporters of FRETILIN and prevents refugees in "relocation" camps to grow food crops, using hunger as an instrument of pacification in East Timor.

During the three weeks of civil war in 1975, 1500-2000 people died. Since the invasion, an estimated 60,000 to 300,000 - 1/6 to 1/2 of the total population - have died in East Timor due to war, starvation and disease. Slow negotiations between Portugal and Indonesia continue today, albeit with little result.

ISRAEL (Palestine)

The Palestinian nationalist movement has been a topic of controversy since 1947 when the General Assembly adopted a partition resolution creating a Jewish and an Arab state in Palestine, and making Jerusalem an international trusteeship. In May of 1948, British troops withdrew from the region and Israel proclaimed statehood. Syria, Jordan, Iraq and Egypt subsequently attacked the new state.

The resulting war left Israel in control of substantially more territory than they had been granted under the original mandate, and created a substantial Palestinian refugee problem. In subsequent wars in 1956, 1967 and 1973, Israel continued its expansion gaining control of the Gaza Strip, Golan Heights and West Bank. Control of these lands and the plight of the Palestinian refugees remain the key issues of the region.

The Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was founded in 1964. In 1970, ten different organizations of the Palestine resistence movement joined with them. The PLO is the leading NLO in the region. The activities of the PLO have included terrorist acts (see chapter on terrorism) and military engagements with the Israelis. The PLO role in Lebanon led to the start of the civil war in that nation in 1975. In 1973 the Conference of Non-Aligned States recognized the PLO, "...as the sole legal representative of the Palestine people." With Resolution 3236/XXIX of 22 November 1974, the United Nations confirmed the inalienable rights of the Palestine nation, stating that "...the Palestine nation is the major party in the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Near East." The resolution also extended to the PLO legitimacy as the respresentative of the Palestinian people. United Nations' resolution 318, reiterated Israel's right to a sovereign state, and gave an equal right to Palestine. 24 In 1987 a critical new phase erupted with the "intefadeh" (the uprising), begun by the youth of the territories to demand sovereignty. The intefadeh is supported by the Arab League, but both Jordan and Egypt have refused to accept refugees from its bloody rioting.

The international focus on the situation of the Occupied Territories has placed Israel in a delicate position. International pressure on Israel calls for absolute freedom of the territories, yet Israel maintains that these are crucial to its security.

The United Nations has taken a considerably different stand toward Israel since its 1947 decree. The 1967 war resulted in resolution 242. While calling for the right of self determination and secure borders for all peoples in the region, it did not specifically name Israel or the Palestinians. Today, more and more resolutions are passed in the General Assembly that call for drastic actions and condemn Israel.

United Nations' activities also include the UN Truce Supervision Organization, which patrols borders with Jordan and Egypt; UN Disengagement Observers Force which patrols the Golan Heights; UN Interim Forces Inside Lebanon, stationed in Lebanon and monitoring border activities; and UN Relief and Works Agency, which supervises Palestinian refugee camps.

The past few years have been some of the most active on issues regarding Palestine. In March of 1988, the Committee on the Exercise of Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People passed a variety of resolutions calling for economic sanctions and other measures to force Israel to relinquish its power over the territories. The Security Council has been working on a draft of a resolution (S/20677) calling for action on the part of the Israelis.

See also Resolutions: 42/210B December 1987; 42/230 March 1988; 43/21 November 1988; 43/54 December 1988;

KAMPUCHEA/CAMBODIA (involving Vietnam)

Kampuchea has been the staging ground for one of the bloodiest conflicts in the last twenty years. From 1975 to 1978, a Khmer Rouge leader named Pol Pot engaged in a genocidal resettlement program that claimed the lives of one to three million Khmers. The program was a ruthless drive to create a communist utopia. Instead it created death by hunger and disease and allowed mass executions. The carnage was stopped only when Vietnam invaded Kampuchea and overthrew the Khmer Rouge government in December 1978.

Since that time, a guerrilla war has been fought between the People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK), a Soviet backed regime established after the Vietnamese invasion, and the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK). The CGDK holds Democratic Kampuchea's United Nations seat, is supported by most governments outside the Soviet block, and has brought together the Khmer Rouge, the Sihanoukist National Army (ANS) and the pro-western Khmer People's National Liberation Front (KPNLF). The CGDK is supported by the United States and China. The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), see the occupation of one nation by another as a potential threat to the stability of the region, and have sought to negotiate the withdrawal of Vietnam's troops.

While fighting has been fierce at times, its intensity has diminished steadily since 1985 when a major offensive backed by Vietnamese troops was launched. The offensive was designed to push refugee camps out of Kampuchean territory, thereby making them useless as guerrilla staging areas. The Soviet Union has been Vietnam's principle backer in the occupation of Kampuchea. The Soviet base at Cam Ranh Bay has given the Hanoi government additional economic and military support. The Soviets are estimated to provide one to three billion rubbles a year in aid to support the occupation.

Vietnam has announced that it will withdraw all troops from Kampuchea by the end of 1990. The PRK, which has a 40,000 man army with more than 100,000 local militiamen insists that they will be able to control the country despite the threat of the Khmer Rouge faction with its approximately 20,000 "fanatically dedicated fighters." Fear remains that the Khmer Rouge will be victorious and return the country to the madness of Pol Pot.

The role of the United Nations has been limited because the Phnom Penh government (PRK) is not recognized by the organization, but the United Nations has still sponsored diplomatic efforts to end the occupation of Kampuchea. The UN has introduced a peace plan that would: involve the deployment of an international peace force to supervise a ceasefire and free elections; disarm the Khmer Rouge to prevent the resurrection of Pol Pot; include pledges from the five permanent Security Council members not to arm any faction in Kampuchea.

Reaction from the various parties has been positive as no one has refused the plan and all asked questions about its implementation. Additional political pressure has been generated by the United Nations Ad Hoc Committee of the International Conference on Kampuchea, but it has been limited in effectiveness because Hanoi has not recognized it.

The United Nations' major impact on the Kampuchean dilemma has been the annual debate in the General Assembly, which produced a resolution calling for an independent government and the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops (Res. 43/3). Support for the resolution has increased since it was first submitted in 1986.

NAMIBIA (with South Africa)

Namibia is located on the south east coast of Africa. Along with Botswana, Zimbabwe and Zambia, it is known as a front-line state. In the late nineteenth century settlers were drawn to this inhospitable land by its wealth of minerals and abundant fish in the coastal waters. The British annexed the coastal islands and the harbor of Walvis Bay, while the Germans settled Luderiz and extended their mandate into the interior. During the First World War South Africa, which was a British protectorate, captured South West Africa (it is now recognized as Namibia by the United Nations). The League of Nations gave South Africa the power to administer the seized territory. In 1934, South Africa was given its independence by Great Britain.

After the Second World War, South Africa's request to annex what is known as Namibia was denied due to Pretoria's policy of apartheid. In 1966, the United Nations terminated South Africa's mandate to govern the territory. South Africa has illegally administered Namibia on a de facto basis since 1966.

South Africa binds Namibia, as it does all its front-line states, by regulating the territory's economy, government and policies. South Africa levies and collects most of the customs and excise duties for Namibia. The productive port at Walvis Bay is a South African enclave and the South African Transport system operates and maintains the 3200 kilometers that connects the major economic and population centers with the South African rail system. Namibia's governmental power rests with the administrator-general who is appointed by the South African government. The administrator-general possesses veto power over legislation and reserves the right to issue proclamations with the effect of law.

Namibia's foreign policy is based on South Africa's as well. South African troops occupy the territory because of the presence of Cuban troops in communist-backed Angola and Angola's support of South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). SWAPO is Namibia's nationalist movement for independence from South Africa.

Headquartered in Angola, SWAPO first emerged in 1960. They have always expressed the readiness to settle the Namibian issue through negotiation, but a military wing was formally established called the People's Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN) in 1966. PLAN was formed in response to South Africa's attempts to destabilize SWAPO. SWAPO has waged guerrilla warfare for twenty-four years against South Africa.

43/57 December 1988

International involvement in the issue of Namibia has been evident since the establishment of the UN's predecessor, the League of Nations. The UN's claims that Namibia has been under UN administration have gone unrecognized by South Africa and its allies, the United States and Great Britain. They consider SWAPO to be a terrorist organization. South Africa, which controls Namibia's visa and passport privileges, denied the UN Council for Namibia admittance into the territory in 1968. The UN recognized SWAPO as the legitimate representative of the Namibian people and offered them observer nation status in the UN. In 1978, the Security Council passed Resolution 435. This resolution calls for the people of Namibia to elect an assembly, under UN supervision, and then in turn draw up a constitution. In 1988 an agreement was negotiated by South Africa, Angola, Cuba and the United States. This agreement stipulates that South Africa will remove troops from southern Angola and will reduce its occupying force in Namibia. This move was seen as South Africa's pledge to give Namibia autonomy and to keep peace in the troubled region.

Resolution 435 is scheduled to be enacted on November of 1989. Assembly elections are to be held under UN supervision and will require a two-thirds majority vote. A UN Security Council plan states that UN peacekeeping forces will replace South African units to keep peace internally and to prevent outsiders (including South Africa) from influencing or interfering in Namibia's elections. In April of 1989, a cease-fire became official as the 7000 member UN Transition Assistance Groups marked the transition of Namibia's road to independence. However, clashes were reported with guerrillas along the northern border of Namibia hours before the transition went into effect.

NEW CALEDONIA (with France)

Since the 19th century the native Melanesians, or Kanaks as they are known, have been pressing for independence from France. Events have come to a violent point in the past four years.

In 1853, following the discovery of rich nickel deposits, France annexed the South Pacific island of New Caledonia. The native Kanaks (literally translated as men) have been fighting for autonomy since that time. The French moved to the island in large numbers throughout the late 19th century acquiring the best land. The Kanaks were sent to reservations, and several thousand were killed while resisting.

In the 1960's, the fight was broadened by educated Kanaks returning from Paris universities. They were inspired by the black power movements in the United States and Africa. The Kanaks believed that European whites have prospered on their island while they had been kept poor.

In November 1984, tensions between the French settlers (or caldoches) and the Kanaks flared when the natives boycotted local elections and threatened to create a "provisional government". In that same month, a settler was shot to death marking the beginning of a series of events that have disrupted life on the island.

On 12 January 1985, the leader of the Kanak movement was assassinated by French police. Violence and further unrest followed the shooting. Events became so grave that the Prime Minister of France flew 50 hours for a 12 hour visit to express his personal concern in an attempt to calm the island. Although he announced plans to strengthen French military forces on the island, the Prime Minister did say that he supported a proposed plan for a referendum on independence.

By May 1985, the referendum plan was in dispute. The Kanaks were calling for a ballot on independence immediately with only their people allowed to vote. The French settlers were outraged that their own government was now turning against them. The government formulated a compromise plan: the territorial assembly would be reconstructed to provide for elections to it from four separate regions. In exchange for this first step toward autonomy, the Kanaks would accept postponing the independence referendum until at least 1987.

When the regional elections were held in September 1985, the Kanaks had won three of the four districts. This was not surprising considering that the French population is centered near the capital city of Noumea. Election turnout was high and calmed the island at least for the short time. In France at this time, the situation in New Caledonia had become an election issue.

The newly elected Prime Minister turned away from the previous administrations promises of independence. Instead, he called for an immediate vote on total independence of continued territorial status. This invoked speedy action by the South Pacific Forum, a regional body comprised of Australia, New Zealand and other island nations, who called for reinscription of New Caledonia on the United Nations list of "non-self-governing" territories. This action would put the island under the auspices of the United Nations' Fourth Committee. The plan was adopted by the General Assembly in December 1986.

On 13 September 1987, 98.3% of the ballots rejected the idea of independence in a national referendum. This was only a nominal victory for the French, however, as the Kanaks, for the most part, boycotted the election. Only 59% of the electorate cast a vote that day. Since 43% of the population is Kanak, the leaders hold that their boycott was a success. The French Prime Minister went to New Caledonia to negotiate a plan to give the Kanaks more autonomy. With resolution 43/34 the Fourth Committee noted with satisfaction the dialogue and called for a report to the Forty-fourth General Assembly.

WESTERN SAHARA (with Morocco)

The territory of Western Sahara has been in dispute since 1957 when Morocco laid claim to the Spanish held territory. In 1972, Morocco announced its intentions to annex the territory. On 14 November 1975, the Spanish conceded and concluded an agreement transfering power to Morocco and Mauritania who partitioned the territory. In January of 1976, the Spanish military withdrew and Morocco and Mauritania took over.

Protests against such a partition had been made as early as 1974, by the Algerians and the people of the territory who had organized a liberation movement called Frente Polisario (or Polisario Front). The United Nations' General Assembly and International Court of Justice both sided with the people of the region. On 16 October 1975, the International Court of Justice concluded that no ties of territorial sovereignty existed between Western Sahara and the Kingdom of Morocco or the Mauritanian entity. In the decolonization of the territory, therefore, the principle of self-determination through the free expression of the will of its people should apply.

On 27 February 1976, the Frente Polisario proclaimed Western Sahara the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. By August of 1979 the Mauratanians had withdrawn leaving the Moroccans and Frente Polisario engaged in a protracted war. Backed in part by Algeria, the Frente Polisario has fought for a 103,000 square mile area of the Sahara for thirteen years. Separating the Polisario and Moroccan troops is a 1,000 mile, Moroccan built, wall of rocks. The wall has succeeded in keeping recent bloodshed to a minimum by facilitating the Moroccan troops' ability to maintain safe ground.

The Polisario hopes that independence will be achieved through a referendum under the auspices of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity, which recognize the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. Despite large scale international support (of a verbal nature) for the Sahrawi Republic, Morocco continues to spend up to $1 million a day on the war. The Algerians, on the other hand, provide less (no accurate estimates exist) and if their support were withdrawn most observers believe the Polisario would quickly fall.

See also resolutions: 1514, 42/78 and 43/33.

SUGGESTIONS FOR RESEARCH

When researching United Nations Documents it may be helpful to consult the work of Fourth Committee, The Decolonization Committee and the Trusteeship Council, in addition to Special Political Committee, the General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. Several National-Separatist movements are not addressed directly, but are considered through the human rights issues of refugees, indigenous peoples, hunger and so on.

Notes

1. "The World's Wars", The Economist, March 12, 1988, pp. 19-22.

2. Jack C. Plano, et at, The International Relations Dictionary, 3rd ed., Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, 1982, p. 33.

3. Thomas S. Martin, "Devolutionism: The New Nationalism Movement Transforming the World," Utne Reader, No. 30, Nov/Dec 1988, p. 79.

4. John T. Rourke, International Politics on the World Stage, 2nd ed., Guilford, Connecticut: The Dushkin Publishing Group, Inc., 1989, p. 145.

5. Theodore A. Couloumbis, et al, Introduction to International Relations: Power and Justice, 3rd edition, Prentice Hall: Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey,1986, pp. 64-83.

6. Mulatu Wubneh, et al, Ethiopia, Transition and Development in the Horn of Africa, Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988, p.30

7. Basil Davidson, et al, Behind the War in Eritrea, Spokesman Publishers,1980, p. 38.

8. Davidson, pp. 40,43.

9. Richard Sherman, Eritrea: The Unfinished Revolution, Praeger Publishing, 1980, pp. 41-46.

10. Davidson, pp. 56,59.

11. Sherman, p. 99.

12. Sherman, p. 99.

13. Sherman, p. 99.

14. Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. 6, p. 299.

15. Carmel Budiardjo & Liem Soei Liong, The War Against East Timor, p. viii.

16. J. Clay, East Timor: Five Years After the Indonesian Invasion, p. 1.

17. Budiardjo, p. ix.

18. J. Clay, p. 2.

19.John Tessitore, Issues Before the 43rd General Assembly of the United Nations, Lexington, Massachusetts: Lexington Books, 1989. p. 62.

20.Daniel Southerland, "US Might Have Averted Tragic Timor Takeover",Christian Science Monitor, as quoted in Clay.

21.Tom Harkin, Our Proxy War In East Timor, East Timor: Five Years After the Indonesian Invasion, as quoted in Clay, p. 36.

22.James Dunn, Statement submitted to the Decolonization Committee of the United Nations General Assembly, October 1980, East Timor: Five Years After the Indonesian Invasion, as quoted in Clay, p. 16.

23. Clay, p. 1.

24.Edmund Jan Osmanczyk, Encycopedia of the United Nations and International Agreements, Philadelphia: Taylor and Francis, 1985, pg. 599.

25. UN Press Release, 8 June 1989.

26. Tessitore, p. 50.

27. Gail Russell, "Cambodia," The Christian Science Monitor, 10 June 1988.

28. Tessitore, p. 50.

29. Tessitore, p. 50.

30. Nancy Cooper, et al, Newsweek, Jan. 30, 1989.

31. Tessitore, p. 54.

32. Namibia, Backround Notes, U.S. Department of State.

33. Namibia, Background Notes, pg. 4.

34. The Economist June 29, 1985, pp. 33-34.

35. The Economist June 29, 1985, pp. 33-34.

36. The Economist May 18, 1985.

37. Los Angeles Times, Sept. 30, 1985.

38. Insight, February 16, 1987.

39. The Economist, Sep. 19, 1987.

40. The Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations: United Nations, p. 33.

41. Danielle Pletka, "A Forgotten War in the Desert," Insight, January 11, 1988. p. 31.

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